User:春卷柯南/巴生分局
第二大马计划（馬來語：Rancangan Malaysia Kedua）是一项由马来西亚政府颁布，在1971年至1975年期间实施的经济发展计划，以贯彻马来西亚新经济政策为目标。它的目的是为了“重建”马来西亚社会，削弱马来西亚华人及外资在当地经济中的主导地位，从而提高马来人的经济地位[1]。这个计划是第一大马计划的延续，第一大马计划也特別注重于解决马来人的贫困问题。然而，马来西亚第一个五年计划收效甚微，这也是引致1969年吉隆坡5·13种族暴乱的因素之一。有人认为第二次五年计划在令马来人多参与经济活动这方面过于热衷，于是当该计划截止之际，政府相应地减少对重组经济的强调。
原有条目：马来西亚第二次五年计划
背景[编辑]
马来人尽管占了马来西亚人口的大多数，但是他们的经济实力却并不与之相符。1970年，当地土著掌控的资本仅占马来西亚经济总量的1.9%，非马来人（大多数为华人）掌控的经济份额达37.4%，其他财富都由外国人掌控[2]。有鉴于这种巨大的差异，宪法第153条规定政府在奖学金的分配、行政部门就业等方面都要安排一定的配额，力图提高马来人的经济地位。
然而，第一大马计划所采取的措施是依赖马来人“充分利用这些设施和服务，为自己谋福利”，最终并没有解决经济失衡问题。该政策也引起非马来人的不满，他们在1969年大选中大都支持反对党，因为反对党主张减少或消除为土著而设的平权行动。5月12日反对党支持者举行的胜利游行使得执政的联盟当中的大党马来民族统一机构（巫统）在翌日发起报复性集会，然而，集会很快就演变为一场持续两天的暴乱。官方数据显示约有200人丧生，然而，其他数据表明死伤数量远远不止于此——上千人无家可归，大多为华人。随后政府宣布紧急状态，终止国会，并成立国家行动理事会行使政权，直到1971年国会复会为止[3]。
国家行动理事会在掌权期间提出新经济政策。新经济政策计划借助“快速拓展经济”来实现政策的最终目标——灭贫和消除“按照经济功能而划定的种族区分”，目标是令土著在20年内掌握当地三成的经济份额[4]。同样获得批准的远景计划与新经济政策有相似的目标。新经济政策和远景计划都会在1990年失效，而国会则通过第二大马计划，以实现这些政策的目标[5]。
经济结构重组[编辑]
第二大马计划令政府的经济参与行为有所增加，而计划的主要目标则是提高马来人的经济利益，特别是在制造业和采矿业两方面的利益。这项计划的重点是追求经济大幅增长，以免直接损害华人的经济利益；这样做的目标是扩大马来人经济利益和非马来人经济利益的绝对值，并在同时增加马来人经济份额的相对值。
为实施第二大马计划而分配的资金总值马币72.5亿元。虽然这笔款项少于为第一大马计划而分配的马币105亿元款项，不过第二大马计划希望能够达致更大的减贫效果，並借着对私营企业设下一些限制措施来促进马来人就业和为他们的经济所有权带来益处，令马来人对私营经济活动的参与有所增加。
在这个计划公布的时候，以评论家的话来说，非马来人“实质上”已经“垄断了私有工商业的职位”，并在都市区聚居。然而，包括制造业、银行业、金融业、橡胶种植业和锡矿业在内的大部分现代工业都由外资控制，而大多数马来人则从事种植水稻、捕鱼、看管小型橡胶／棕榈树种植地之类的农村工作。显然他们就连文职这类低级白领工作也无缘担任，他们只能在行政部门出任高层职位，因为当地80%的政府工作岗位都已经预留给马来人担任。某些专业（例如医药和法律）的大部分从业员都是非马来人。令人啼笑皆非的是，政府政策（例如宪法第153条規定的措施）只在公营事业为马来人赋予优先权，貌似是要降低马来人参与私营经济领域的兴趣。那时当地各族的失业情况也很严重，这个现象的主因是人民教育水平低下；在1970年，年龄介乎15至25岁的失业人士大约占27.5万失业人口的七成。这些都是新经济政策和第二大马计划要着手改变的情况。
（以上已完成整合）
工业化[编辑]
Several government agencies that had been established prior to the advent of the Second Malaysia Plan increased their participation in the economy during the Second Malaysia Plan. These agencies included the Malaysian Industrial Development Authority (MIDA) and Majlis Amanah Rakyat (MARA). Several more were also established under the plan, including the Perbadanan Nasional (PERNAS, or the National Trading Corporation), State Economic Development Corporation and the Urban Development Authority (UDA).
计划实行期间，部分在第二大马计划推出之前成立的政府机构。在计划实行期间成立的几个新政府机构，当中包括国民企业公司（PERNAS）、州经济发展局和城市发展局（UDA）。
一些政府机构在马来西亚第二次五年计划到来之前已经建立， 在计划实施过程中它们更加积极地参与到经济建设中。 这些机构包括马来西亚工业发展局（MIDA：Malaysian Industrial Development Authority）和人民信托局（MARA：Majlis Amanah Rakyat）。在计划实施过程中也成立了一些新的机构，其中包括国家企业公司（PERNAS, 或国家外贸公司），州经济发展局（State Economic Development Corporation）和城市发展局（UDA：Urban Development Authority）。
一些在第二个五年计划（the Second Malaysia Plan）颁布之前就已经成立的政府机构，在计划实施过程中更加积极地参与到经济事物中。这些机构包括马来西亚工业发展局（MIDA：Malaysian Industrial Development Authority）和人民信托局（MARA：Majlis Amanah Rakyat）。在计划实施过程中也成立了一些新的机构，其中包括国家企业公司（PERNAS, 或国家外贸公司），州经济发展局（State Economic Development Corporation）和城市发展局（UDA：Urban Development Authority）。[6]
PERNAS was established to purchase businesses and participate in joint ventures with private companies, as well as to develop nascent industries to be held in trust until the Malays held sufficient capital to take them over. By the end of the plan's tenure, PERNAS owned 100% of eight companies involved in insurance, trading, construction, properties, engineering, securities, and mining. Joint ventures had also been formed with the private sector to develop the mining, containerisation, tourism and consulting industries.
建立国家企业公司是为了进行业务购置，与私人企业建立合资企业，并以信托的方式发展新兴产业，直到马来人拥有足够的资本接管企业。在此计划结束之际，国企完全拥有八家公司，这八家公司涉及保险，贸易，建筑，房地产，工程，证券和矿产七大领域。为发展矿产业，集装箱运输业，旅游业和咨询业，在私营领域中也纷纷建立起了合资企业。
PERNAS的建立旨在购买企业，与私企合资，并以托管的方式发展新兴产业，直到马来人持有充足基金来接管企业。到第二个五年计划末期，PERNAS完全拥有八家公司，这八家公司涉及保险，贸易，建筑，房地产，工程，证券和矿产七大领域。为发展矿产业，集装箱运输业，旅游业和咨询业，在私营领域中也纷纷建立起了合资企业。[6]
Parliament passed the Industrial Coordination Act during the Second Malaysia Plan, which required all new manufacturing enterprises with M$100,000, or twenty-five or more workers, to be licensed by the Minister of Trade and Industry. To obtain such a licence, each firm had to meet certain conditions set by the Ministry, which could vary. Malaysian Chinese manufacturers were concerned about the act, as they had operated with minimal control from the government before. Nevertheless, the government stated the act was not meant to be detrimental towards any group, and went ahead with its implementation. Under the act, firms were divided into three categories: firms approved after 1 January 1972, firms approved before then, and firms operating without approval from the Ministry. All firms subject to the act were required to submit a proposal to the Ministry stating how they planned to achieve the long-term target of achieving 30% Malay and 70% non-Malay Malaysian ownership in the company. Proposals that were accepted then became the guidelines for how the relevant company would operate.
国会在第二次马来西亚计划中通过了工业协调法，该法案规定，凡从事制造业的公司，若股本总额为10万马币，或受雇人员在25人或更多者，均须向贸易工业部（简称贸工部）申请工业执照。为了得到批准，每个公司必须具备贸工部规定的条件，具体条件可能各不相同。马来西亚籍华裔制造商十分关注这个法案，此前他们受当地政府限制较小。虽然如此，政府强调这个法令不会妨害任何组织，并继续实施。据此法令，公司被分成三个类，在1972年1月1日后被认可的公司，在之前被认可的公司，没有获得贸工部认可的公司。所有的公司依照法令都需要给贸工部提交一个议案阐明他们计划怎样实现在公司里马来人占30％和非马来人占70％股权这一长期目标。建议被接受后会变成有关公司如何运作的指导方针。
在第二个五年计划实施期间，马来西亚国会通过了工业协调法案（Industrial Coordination Act），该法案规定，凡从事制造业的公司，若股本总额为10万马币，或受雇人员在25人或更多者，均须向贸易暨工业部（简称贸工部）申请工业执照。为了得到批准，每个公司必须具备贸工部规定的条件，具体条件可能各不相同。马来西亚籍华裔制造商十分关注这个法案，此前他们受当地政府限制较小。尽管如此，政府声明，该法案无意对任何群体不利，并继续实施。法案将公司分为三类：1972年1月1日之前经贸工部批准的公司，在此之后批准的公司以及未经批准的公司。受制于该法案的所有公司须向工业部上交一份计划，详述公司如何计划实现第二个五年计划长期目标，即马来人占有公司股权的30%。计划如果被接受，则成为公司运作的指导准则。[7]
Until the Second Malaysia Plan, industry was concentrated on the west coast of Peninsular Malaysia. The plan thus moved to establish new industrial estates on the east coast, in order to curb rural-urban migration—the east coast was considerably less urbanised than the west coast.
第二个五年计划实施之前，马来西亚的工业发展集中在马来西亚半岛（Peninsular Malaysia）西海岸地区。该计划将重点转移至东海岸，建立了新的工业区，以抑制农村向城市移民——东海岸的城市化进程远远落后于西海岸。[8]
By 1975, manufacturing activities constituted 16% of the Malaysian Gross Domestic Product (GDP), one per cent short of the target of the Second Malaysia Plan. Manufacturing grew negligibly in 1975, attributed by the government to the global recession that year. This contrasted with the 15% growth achieved in 1974, which well exceeded the target of 12.5% growth per year during the Second Malaysia Plan. Food, wood products, and chemical products made up the majority of the manufacturing sector. The substantial growth in manufacturing during this period has been attributed to the government's establishment of free trade zones, where any goods brought in would not be subject to customs duties, and goods could be freely exported abroad or transferred to another free trade zone. In 1974, such zones were declared in the states of Penang,Selangor, and Malacca. The industries located in these zones were mostly electronics-, rubber product- and textile-based.
到1975年，制造业占马来西亚国内生产总值的比重已经达到16%，比第二次马来西亚计划的目标少1％。1975年制造业增长甚微，政府将原因归于全球经济衰退。与此相反，1974年，增长速度为15%，大大超过了马来西亚第二次五年计划规定的每年增长12.5%这一目标。制造业产品中绝大部分是食品、木制品和化学制品。政府规划的自由贸易区使得制造业大幅增长，因为任何进入该区的产品都不需要缴纳关税，他们免费出口到外国或被运往其他自由贸易区。1974年，槟城、雪兰莪和马六甲先后宣布划分出自由贸易区，落户的行业一般是电子类、橡胶类以及纺织类。
到1975年，制造业占马来西亚国内生产总值的比重已经达到16%，比马来西亚第二个计划的目标要少1%。全球经济在衰退，与去年的增长率15%相比，毫无疑问，马来西亚制造业产值增长了，而去年的增长率早已远远超过第二次计划的目标值——12.5%的年增长率，这都是政府做出了贡献。制造业产品中绝大部分是食品、木制品和化学制品。政府规划的自由贸易区带动了民生用品的消费，因为区内任何新产品都不需要缴纳关税，他们免费出口到外国或被运往其他自由贸易区。1974年，槟城、雪兰莪和马六甲先后宣布划分出自由贸易区，落户的行业一般是电子类、橡胶类以及纺织类。[9]
矿业[编辑]
Until the late 1970s, Malaysia was the world's foremost producer of tin, supplying roughly 40% of the non-communist world's tin. Nevertheless, tin reserves were declining; mining's contribution to the GDP was projected to fall 13% over the course of the Second Malaysia Plan, due to the exhaustion of tin and iron reserves. However, bauxite and copper continued to contribute to the mining sector in the early 1970s. Malay participation in the mining sector was minimal, and as much as 70% of the industry remained under foreign control. This was a legacy of the British colonial era; many British firms, which had arrived in the 19th century to exploit Malaysian mineral resources, had not departed yet. Malay participation in the mining sector—especially in tin—was further hampered by the British tendency in the 19th century to bring in cheap Chinese labour; most of those employed in mining were still Chinese as late as 1970.
20世纪70年代晚期以前，马来西亚一直是世界上最重要的锡矿供应国，非共产主义国家进口的锡矿中大约40%来自马来西亚。然而，锡矿储量在不断减少，加上铁矿储量也在减少，矿业对国民生产总值的贡献在计划执行期间预计将减少13% 。但是铝矿和铜矿在20世纪70年代早期还一直推动着矿业发展。马来人几乎不怎么参与采矿业，高达70%的采矿业仍为外国人所控制，这种局面是英国殖民时期的历史遗留造成的。19世纪从英国来到马来西亚掠夺当地矿物资源的很多公司到现在还没有离开。英国倾向于招用中国的廉价劳动力，这愈发限制了马来人在采矿业——尤其是锡矿的参与度，，因此20世纪70年代采矿业的雇员大部分还都是中国人。
Petroleum or crude oil began to significantly contribute to the Malaysian economy in the 1970s, as new oil rigs and refineries were set up. By 1975, total production of crude oil stood at 90,000 barrels per day (14,000 m3/d), most of it produced by Shell. In 1974, the exclusive right to own, explore and exploit petroleum in Malaysia was vested in the government enterprise of Petronas. The following year, Petronas was granted sole rights over the marketing and distribution of all petroleum products and a provision to control other companies without taking an ownership stake in them, through the issuance of management shares to Petronas.
20世纪70年代石油或者说原油开始对马来西亚的经济做出卓越的贡献，人们购入新的采油设备并创办精炼厂。到1975年，原油一天总产量达9万桶（亦14000立方米/天），其中大部份原油产自壳公司。1974年，马来西亚政府授权马石油公司绝对持有、勘探和开发石油的权利。随后那一年，马石油公司成为唯一有权掌管石油产品投放市场和销售配送的公司。也因此，在不享有股权的情况下，马石油公司仍可对其他公司进行控股管理。
The number of Malays employed in the mining sector soared from 1970 onwards, as the government's restructuring policies came into force. When the Second Malaysia Plan began, less than 200,000 Malays were employed in the mining industry. By 1990, they numbered nearly a million, well ahead of the target numbers originally outlined. Licences for mining operations were specially reserved for Malays as part of the drive to increase their ownership level in the mining industry. The government also ostensibly increased Bumiputra ownership by nationalising several formerly foreign mining companies—by 1989, state corporations controlled 60% of the mining industry. The government was also aided by the fact that petroleum soon eclipsed other minerals in the mining sector—as Petronas was a state-owned corporation, it was also considered a Bumiputra enterprise. However, the government has been criticised for this practice, as it is argued nationalised corporations belong to the public at large, and not only to the Bumiputra.
随着政府的重建政策生效，从1970年起马来人受雇于矿业的人数飙升。在马来西亚第二次五年计划开始时，在矿产行业被雇佣的马来人不足20万。到1990年，他们的数量接近一百万，远远超过了预期人数。为马来人预留采矿业执照是为了增加他们经营矿产的所有权水平。政府通过将一些以前外国的矿产公司国有化来提升马来人的所有权水平—到1989年，国有企业控制了60％的矿产行业。这也得益于石油在矿产业占据首要地位—因为马来西亚国家石油公司是国有企业，它也被认为是马来人的企业。然而，政府的这一举动也备受争议，因为有人说国有化的公司属于公众，不仅仅属于马来人。
农业[编辑]
The Second Malaysia Plan continued the initiatives that previous five year plans, such as the First Malayan Five Year Plan, had taken. Although expenditure on other development increased substantially, by about M$1 million, funding for rural development was also increased. The Second Malaysia Plan focused on diversifying crops grown in Malaysia;the 1974 Green Book Program aimed to make Malaysia self-sufficient in food production by encouraging farmers to grow vegetables, such as long beans, chilies, etc., and rear livestock—the Veterinary Department going as far as to distribute cattle.Fertilisers, seedlings, insecticides and herbicides were subsidised. Double-cropping of rice was encouraged, so farmers could harvest twice in one year and effectively double their output. The Farmers' Organization Authority was established in 1973 with the goal of coordinating agricultural cooperatives, farmers' associations, and government agricultural agencies.
马来政府的第二个五年计划，它延续了之前五年计划，如第一个五年计划，所定下的基本理念和思路。其它开发的支出大幅上涨了约1百万马币，而农村建设资金也有所增加。这一计划致力于实现马来西亚农作物收成的多元化增长；1974年绿皮书计划目的是使马来西亚在粮食生产上自给自足，它鼓励农民种植蔬菜，例如豆角，辣椒，等等，鼓励放养牲畜-家畜卫生部竟然派发了家畜。政府会补贴化肥，籽苗，杀虫剂和除草剂。由于鼓励稻谷双作制，因此农民可以一年收获两次，有效地增加了粮食产量。1973年成立的“农民官方机构“以协调农业合作、农民联盟和政府农业机构为己任。
Growth in small-scale agriculture was viewed as crucial to creating jobs and reducing rural poverty, and government agencies such as FELDA (the Federal Land Development Authority) vastly increased the scope and size of their development programs. RISDA (the Rubber Industries Smallholder Development Agency) was given the task of diversifying smallholder estates; RISDA set itself the ambitious goal of developing 150,000 acres (610 km2) during the Second Malaysia Plan. The main aim was to diversify into palm oil through the planting of oil palms. The Malaysian economy relied heavily on rubber at the time—at its peak, Malaya (Peninsular Malaysia) alone produced more than half of the world's rubber.However, the Great Depression, which depressed rubber prices, greatly set back the Malayan economy. The Malaysian government thus aimed to avert another incident by diversifying the agriculture sector. However, RISDA overreached itself in attempting to so quickly reappropriate land; by the end of the Second Malaysia Plan, only 40,000 acres (160 km2) had been developed, with only half this number comprising oil palm estates.
小规模农业的增长被视为创造就业机会和减少农村贫困的关键，一些政府部门如联邦土地发展局大大增加了他们发展项目的范围和规模。RISDA（橡胶业小园主发展局）的任务是使小园主的种植园多样化。RISDA计划在五年内实现开发15万亩（即610平方公里）橡胶园的宏伟目标。这一措施的主要目的是通过种植油棕榈树使棕榈油产业多样化。当时，在橡胶业发展的高峰时期，马来西亚经济极为依赖橡胶生产----仅马来西亚半岛生产的橡胶就占全世界所产橡胶的一半以上。然而，经济大萧条压低了橡胶的价格，严重阻碍了马来西亚的经济发展。因此马来西亚政府旨在通过农业多样化来避免此类事情的再次发生。但是RISDA在重新调整土地方面太过激进，以至于到第二个五年计划的最后阶段也只有4万亩（即160平方公里）的橡胶园得到开发，这其中只有一半是油棕榈树种植园。
The land development and resettlement policies instituted by the government, however, failed to make an impact on rural poverty. The government managed to resettle only 40,000 people, despite an estimated 535,000 families engaged in agriculture living below the poverty level. Due to inefficiencies in the program, the beneficiaries of resettlement and development were not always those with the greatest need.It was also alleged by some that there had been too much emphasis on the difficult process of resettlement and development of new areas, instead of increasing productivity in existing farms. Matters were complicated by the Constitution, which gave the states much control over land development, and thus requiring the federal government to negotiate with individual state governments. Non-Malay rural families also did not benefit much due to this, as the Constitution reserved portions of land for the Malays, and state governments were not anxious to receive destitute non-Malays.
政府设立了土地发展和移民安置政策，但农村的贫穷却没有得到改善。政府只安置了4万人，而处于贫困线以下的农村家庭预计达53.5万家。由于项目的效率较低，安置和发展的受益者不总是那些最需要的人。据一些人声称，目前过多强调的是再安置以及开发新领域的困难，而不是提高现有农业生产力。由于宪法的缘故，有些问题变得很复杂，例如宪法给予州很多控制土地发展的权利，所以这就使得联邦政府不得不与各个州政府进行协商。由于这个原因，非马来西亚农村家庭也未能从这些政策中受益，因为宪法为马来本土居民保留了一部分土地，而州政府也不希望接纳非马来贫民。
Although the Second Malaysia Plan greatly modernised the "rice bowl" states of Kedah and Perlis—virtually eliminating the water buffalo by replacing it with tractors—most smallholders and individual farmers did not benefit technology-wise. In the corporate agriculture sector, the Malays held only a 0.3% stake, as opposed to 70.8% held by foreign interests. In the noncorporate sector, the Malays held 47.1%. Due to limited capital, many Malays were still engaged in "lower productivity activities" as the Second Malaysia Plan ended.
尽管第二个马来西亚计划加快了有“饭碗”之称的吉打州和玻璃市的现代化进程—实际上是用拖拉机代替了水牛—而大多数的小农户和个体农户没有从现代科技中受益。与外资持有的70.8％的股份相比，马来人在合资农业部门中只持有0.3％的股份。由于有限的资本，许多马来人在第二次马来计划结束时仍从事着“生产效率低下的活动”。
健康[编辑]
The Second Malaysia Plan continued past initiatives in raising nutritional levels through a number of programs. These included incentives to grow nutritious food, instruction in nutrition and menu planning, and provision of food for groups with the highest rates of malnutrition. However, these programs were hindered by a lack of trained medical personnel. 第二次马来西亚计划继续着以前的计划，即通过一些项目来提高人们的营养水平。这些项目包括鼓励生产有营养食物，教授营养和食物搭配方法，向最缺乏营养的人群提供食物。然后，这些项目因缺乏训练有素的医疗人员而受到阻碍。
Although family planning was established as a national goal in 1964, efforts during the Second Malaysia Plan to promote it were hampered by government neglect. Much of the success achieved by the National Family Planning Board occurred during the years of the First Malaysia Plan (1966–1970). The Second Malaysia Plan hoped to add 600,000 new users of family planning techniques, but the facilities and personnel provided were inadequate. The topic was viewed as rather sensitive by the government, and thus family planning was mostly ignored. Ironically, in 1984 Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir bin Mohamad effectively eliminated family planning as a government policy by announcing the National Population Policy, which targeted a 70 million population by 2100—up from 12.6 million in 1984.
尽管在1964年把计划生育作为一个全国性目标，但政府的无视使第二次马来西亚计划为促进计划生育而做出的努力付诸东流。国家计划生育委员会在第一次马来西亚计划（1966-1970）期间取得了大部分的胜利。第二次马来西亚计划希望在计划生育中增加60万新用户，但提供的设施和人员不足。政府认为这个话题相对敏感，因此计划生育被忽视了。可笑的是，1984年马来西亚总理马哈蒂尔通过公布国家人口政策而有效地将计划生育从政府政策中除名。国家人口政策计划人口数量从1984的126万人增加到2100年的7000万人。
教育[编辑]
Although education was mostly sidelined in favour of socieconomic restructuring programs during the Second Malaysia Plan, some important initiatives were taken during its tenure. In 1970, Malay, the national language, became the major medium of instruction from primary to tertiary level, replacingEnglish. British standardised examinations were replaced with local ones, and new Malay-language textbooks were introduced. By the end of the plan, most formerly English-based schools had converted the first four years of instruction entirely to the new Malay-medium curriculum.
尽管在马来西亚第二个五年计划实施期间，教育出于支持社会经济改革的目的而基本处于边缘化了，但政府仍然采取了一些重要行动来规范教育。1970年，马来语作为官方语言，取代英语成为小学至大学阶段的教学用语。英国统一标准考试由本国统一标准考试所取代，采用新马来语教科书。 在计划结束之际 ，大多数原来用英语教学的学校已经将前四年教育彻底转变成为新马来语教学课程。
In 1973, the Curriculum Development Centre was established. Its goal was to coordinate projects to reform the curriculum that had previously been handled by varying government departments. It also began revamping the curriculum for science and mathematics , and began a new program to review the various social science curricula.
1973年课程发展中心成立。它的目标是协调项目改良以前被不同政府部门控制的课程。它还开始改进科学和数学方面的课程，并开始了一个审查不同社会科学课程的新项目。
The Second Malaysia Plan also hoped to increase the availability of vocational and technical training. Despite some attempts, little progress was made in improving the curriculum, which focused on providing a general education and made little room for vocational or technical training. Several new technical and vocational schools were built under the Second Malaysia Plan, with seven institutions alone completed in 1975. It was hoped this would alleviate the problem of unemployment, especially among the youth.
马来西亚第二个五年计划还希望提高职业技术训练的实用性。尽管进行了一些尝试，但在改善课程体系方面几乎没有取得任何进步，课程体系依旧专注于提供普通教育，职业技术训练发展空间受限。实行该计划期间建立了几个新型技术职业学校，其中1975年完工的就有七个院系。政府希望这项措施能够减轻失业问题，尤其是青年失业问题。
交通运输[编辑]
The Second Malaysia Plan aimed to modernise Malaysian railroads, which the government regarded as crucial to development and industry. All trains were converted to use the more efficient diesel fuel, and the government increased allocations for maintenance and modernisation of the rail infrastructure. In particular, emphasis was placed on upgrading existing rolling stock, roadbeds, and repair facilities.
第二次马来西亚计划旨在实现马来西亚的铁路现代化，政府认为这对工业和发展来讲至关重要。所有列车都经过改装，能高效利用柴油，而且政府对铁路基础设施的维护和现代化建设增加了拨款。特别强调要升级现有车辆，路基和维修设施。
Air service was expanded under the plan, which paid for the purchase of all-weather and night traffic control equipment, as well as the training of staff to handle the equipment. The Second Malaysia Plan also saw Malaysia-Singapore Airlines split into the Malaysia Airline System (MAS) and Singapore Airlines(SIA).
根据计划，准备扩大航空服务，购置全天候和夜间交通控制设备，而且要对掌握设备的员工进行培训。第二次马来西亚计划期间马来西亚-新加坡航空划分成马来西亚航空系统和新加坡航空。
The Second Malaysia Plan also saw the introduction of containerisation in Malaysia to better facilitate transportation. The plan called for the establishment of a national haulage company to handle inland transport; in August 1971, Kontena Nasional Berhad (National Containers Limited) was established by the government. In December, M.V. Benavon became the first container vessel to dock in Malaysia, at the North Terminal of Port Klang in Selangor.
马来西亚第二次五年计划引进了集装箱运输，很好地促进了交通运输。该计划呼吁建立国际运输公司处理内陆运输；1971年8月，政府建立了国家集装箱运输公司。12月， M.V. Benavon成为停靠在马来西亚码头的第一艘集装箱船，他们的停靠地点是雪莱莪州的巴生港北端。
At the time of the Second Malaysia Plan, there were only two sea ports in Malaysia; one in Penang, and one in Klang. The plan called for the construction of two new ports, both in peninsular Malaysia; one would be in Johor, and another would be in Kuantan, a major town in Pahang. The two main objectives of these projects were to meet increasing demand for sea transportation of freight, and to bring development to underdeveloped states. Johor Port was completed in 1977, while Kuantan Port began full operations in 1984.
实施马来西亚第二次五年计划之时，马来西亚只有两个港口；一个在槟榔屿，一个在巴生。计划呼吁建立两个新的港口，两个都位于马来西亚半岛。一个在柔佛，另一个在关丹县，彭亨的主要城市。这两个港口的目标是为了满足不断增长的海上运输需求，推动欠发达地区的发展。1977年柔佛港口建成，1984年关丹县港开始全面运营。
后续影响[编辑]
At the end of the Second Malaysia Plan, the poverty rate was found to have declined from 49% to 43%. Unemployment improved slightly, decreasing from 7.5% to 7.4%. Great strides were made in increasing Bumiputra involvement in the private sector, however; the employment rate of Bumiputra in the manufacturing sector increased from 29% to 33%, and from 24% to 34% in the commercial sector. Bumiputra equity ownership more than doubled from 3% to 7.8%.
在马来西亚第二次五年计划结束之时，贫困率从49％下降到43％。失业率略有改善，从7.5％下降到7.4％。然而马来人参与私有企业的人数在不断增加，马来人在制造业的从业率从29％增加到33％，在商业部门的从业率从24％增加到34％。马来人的股权从3％增加到7.8％，增长超过两倍。
However, this was considered unsatisfactory by many, especially as much of the progress had been made by government enterprises holding the equity in trust. Although the plan had initially targeted a GDP growth rate of 12.5% a year, only an average of 11% was managed. The growth was extremely uneven; while in 1973 GDP grew by 27%, in 1975, it grew a paltry 3% due to the global recession at the time.
然而，许多人对此表示不满，令人们尤为不满的是是政府在信托中持有的股份增多。尽管计划最初预计GDP的年增长率为12.5％，但是GDP的实际增长量为年均11％。增长极度不均匀；1973年GDP增长了27％，而1975年，由于全球经济衰退，GDP增长率却仅为3％。
Despite the government's efforts to tackle unemployment, creating 600,000 new jobs during the Second Malaysia Plan, the number of unemployed actually increased between 1970 and 1975; in 1970, there were 275,000 unemployed, but by 1975, the number stood at 324,000.
在马来西亚第二次五年计划中，尽管政府努力解决失业问题，创造了600000个新的就业机会，但实际上，1970年到1975年间，失业的人数却增加了；1970年失业人数为275000人，但到1975年底，人数增加到324000人。
The Second Malaysia Plan was also forced to confront an unexpected problem: inflation. Between 1972 and 1975, the consumer price index (CPI) unexpectedly increased by 40%. In 1974, the inflation rate averaged 18%, although it was reduced to 7% by 1975. This new conundrum was therefore considered by the government when it set out the Third Malaysia Plan (1976–1980). 马来西亚第二次五年计划也被迫面临一个意想不到的问题：通货膨胀。1972年到1975年间，消费者价格指数出人意料的增长了40％。1974年平均通货膨胀率曾高达18％，尽管在1975年下降到7％。因此在制定马来西亚第三个五年计划（1976-1980）时政府将这一因素考虑在内。
Another overarching consequence of the Second Malaysia Plan was its efforts in crop diversification. Despite RISDA failing to meet its targets, the palm oil industry in Malaysia continued to grow. By 1998, palm oil was the second-largest contributor towards Malaysia's GDP, second only to electronicsproducts.[46] 马来西亚第二个五年计划的另一个重要结果表现在其对作物多样化做出的努力。尽管橡胶产业小农发展局没有实现预期目标，但是马来西亚棕榈油产业继续发展。1998年，棕榈油成为对马来西亚GDP贡献最大的第二产业，仅次于电子产品。
Overall, the Second Malaysia Plan made much more substantial progress towards reducing the inequity in the economy than its predecessor had. However, the emphasis on improving the lot of the Malays greatly worried the non-Malays, and when the Third Malaysia Plan was launched, the government toned down its rhetoric on affirmative action and emphasised greater economic growth, which would benefit all.
总的来说，马来西亚第二次五年计划在减少经济中的不平等方面比第一次五年计划获得了更实质性的进步。可是，过多强调提高马来人的经济份额使得非马来人忧心忡忡，当第三次马来西亚计划推出之时，政府对反歧视运动言辞低调，转而强调促进经济进一步增长，这样就使得受益者变为全体人民。
参见[编辑]
腳註[编辑]
- ^ Shuid, Mahdi & Yunus, Mohd. Fauzi (2001). Malaysian Studies, p. 85. Longman. ISBN 983-74-2024-3.
- ^ Henderson et al. 1977，第323頁.
- ^ Means 1991，第7–9頁.
- ^ Means 1991，第24頁.
- ^ Henderson et al. 1977，第294頁.
- ^ 6.0 6.1 Henderson, et al., p. 322.
- ^ Henderson, et al., pp. 323, 325.
- ^ Henderson, et al., p. 325.
- ^ Henderson, et al., pp. 331–332, 339.
參考文獻[编辑]
- Henderson, John William; Vreeland, Nena; Dana, Glenn B.; Hurwitz, Geoffrey B; Just, Peter; Moeller, Philip W.; Shinn, R.S. Area Handbook for Malaysia. Foreign Area Studies. Washington D.C.: American University. 1977. LCCN 77001294.
- Means, Gordon P. Malaysian Politics: The Second Generation. South-East Asian Social Science Monograp Series. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1991. ISBN 0-19-588988-6.
筆記[编辑]
- MIDA=大马投资发展机构
- MARA=人民信托基金会／人民信託局
- PERNAS=国民企业公司
- SEDC=州经济发展局
- UDA=城市发展局
- FELDA=联邦土地发展局
- RISDA=橡膠小園主發展局
- Kontena Nasional Berhad=國家貨柜有限公司
- Curriculum Development Centre=（教育部）課程發展中心